Thursday, October 22, 2026
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Israeli Palestinian Citizens Torn Between Voting and Boycotting Election

Israeli Palestinian Citizens Torn Between Voting and Boycotting Election
Photo: Collected

As Israel prepares for its upcoming general election on October 27, Palestinian citizens of the country are facing a difficult choice: whether to vote in a political system they believe has failed to protect their rights or stay away from the ballot box.

Many fear that another government led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and far-right Jewish politicians could intensify repression against Palestinians. Despite their deep mistrust of the political system, some are preparing to vote, hoping their participation could help remove Netanyahu from power.

Palestinian citizens account for around one-fifth of Israel’s population, making their votes potentially decisive in the election. Opinion polls suggest that neither Netanyahu’s right-wing bloc nor the parties opposed to his government are likely to secure the 61 seats needed to form a majority in the 120-member Knesset.

In such a scenario, the support of Arab-led parties, including Ra’am and the Joint List, could become crucial. If no bloc secures a majority, another election may be necessary, leaving Netanyahu’s current government in office until a new administration is formed.

First-Time Voter Hopes to Speak for Palestinians

Layla Atamneh, a 19-year-old resident of Beit Hanina in East Jerusalem, will vote for the first time in the election.

She grew up watching her parents disagree over whether Palestinians should participate in Israeli elections. Her father supported voting for Arab-led political alliances, while her mother consistently refused to vote.

According to Layla, her mother believes voting helps portray Israel as a democratic state where Palestinian citizens enjoy equal rights, despite their experiences of discrimination and humiliation and the growing influence of far-right politicians.

Layla, however, has decided to cast her ballot. She believes she has a responsibility to represent Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and Gaza, who have no say in choosing Israel’s next government.

“I feel that I have to be the voice of these people. One person may not be able to do much. But if my vote gives them even one percent hope, I will vote,” she said.

Layla also worries that Palestinian voices, particularly those of young voters, remain largely absent from election debates. As an Arabic speaker, she finds it difficult to follow much of the election coverage conducted in Hebrew.

Her dilemma reflects the feelings of many Palestinian citizens who believe the political system does not adequately represent their interests but fear that another Netanyahu government could make their situation even worse.

Election Held Amid Growing Fears

Political scientist As’ad Ghanem of the University of Haifa says the election is taking place amid increasingly repressive policies against Palestinians.

The war in Gaza, violence and displacement in the West Bank, and restrictive state policies towards Palestinian citizens inside Israel have heightened concerns about their future.

Hanan, a 36-year-old Palestinian Christian woman living in a Druze village in the Galilee region, says these fears have become more immediate.

Last month, Israeli settlers living in illegal settlements in the West Bank attempted to establish an outpost near the Palestinian town of Majd al-Krum in the Galilee.

The incident was followed by an election campaign video generated using artificial intelligence and released by far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich. The video depicted a Palestinian man in the West Bank calling a relative in the Galilee in a frightened voice, warning that Jews were coming and would do to them what they had done to Palestinians elsewhere.

Hanan said such developments have increased her fears that settlers could become more aggressive and attempt to seize additional Palestinian land.

Yet she remains determined to vote and wants to encourage others to do the same.

“Before every election, I tell myself I will not vote again because Arab representatives seem unable to accomplish much. The lack of women’s representation and the absence of new political voices are also disappointing. But eventually, I go and vote, thinking that perhaps something will change this time,” she said.

Attempt to Disqualify Arab Parties Sparks Anger

The controversy surrounding Arab political parties has further deepened Palestinians’ doubts about Israel’s political system.

On September 23, Israel’s Central Elections Committee moved to disqualify the Arab-led Ra’am and Joint List from participating in the election. The Joint List is an alliance involving Hadash, Balad and Ta’al. The Supreme Court subsequently overturned the disqualification decision.

However, Balad leader Sami Abu Shahadeh withdrew his candidacy after the court indicated that a majority of its judges might support disqualifying him.

Many Palestinians viewed the episode as evidence of the political system’s limitations. Others believe the attempt to exclude Arab parties could encourage greater voter mobilisation.

“We feel that we are under attack. That is why we will vote in greater numbers,” said Thabet Abu Ras, an expert on Arab-Jewish relations.

In the last five Israeli elections, turnout among Palestinian citizens ranged from around 45 to 65 percent. In the 2022 election, it stood at approximately 53 percent.

A person involved in Palestinian election campaigning said surveys suggest that around 62 percent of Palestinian citizens could vote this time. Campaigners hope to raise turnout to between 70 and 75 percent.

The last time turnout among Palestinian citizens reached approximately 75 percent was in 1999, when their participation helped Ehud Barak defeat Netanyahu and become prime minister.

Higher turnout could also affect smaller far-right parties, including Amcha Israel and The Reservists, by making it harder for them to cross Israel’s electoral threshold of 3.25 percent of the vote.

Ghanem believes that a widespread boycott of the election is now a relatively marginal position among Palestinians.

“We are in real danger. We can also play a role in bringing this government’s term to an end,” he said.

Arab Parties Could Hold the Balance of Power

One of the central questions surrounding the election is whether parties opposed to Netanyahu will cooperate with Arab-led political groups.

Opinion polls suggest neither of the two main Zionist political blocs is likely to secure the 61 seats required to form a government independently. This could give Ra’am and the Joint List significant leverage in post-election negotiations.

Despite that possibility, prominent opposition leaders have expressed reluctance to form a coalition with Arab parties.

Opposition leader Naftali Bennett has said he would not form a government dependent on parties that do not identify as Zionist. Former military chief Gadi Eisenkot, another potential opposition candidate for prime minister, has also signalled that he is unwilling to form a coalition with Arab parties.

This leaves Palestinian voters facing a difficult calculation: whether to support parties that best represent their political and national identity or back those most likely to help remove Netanyahu from office.

Layla initially considered voting for Ra’am, which has support among the Bedouin population in the Negev, as well as the liberal Zionist Democrats party. She eventually decided to vote for the Joint List because of her political convictions.

“There are things I can compromise on, but there are certain morals and values that I cannot abandon so easily. As Palestinians, we have to support Palestinians,” she said.

In 2021, Ra’am made history by becoming the first Arab party to join an Israeli governing coalition. The coalition briefly kept Netanyahu out of power.

Ra’am argues that participating in government can deliver practical benefits and greater protection for Palestinian citizens. But critics say limited budgetary gains cannot resolve the deeper questions of Palestinian identity and equal rights.

Ghanem has accused Ra’am leader Mansour Abbas of making excessive concessions to secure relatively small budget allocations without addressing the fundamental problems facing Palestinians.

For many Bedouin citizens, however, everyday concerns remain a priority. They hope political participation can help secure recognition for unrecognised villages, greater investment in education and more employment opportunities.

Saving Lives Before Ending the Occupation

Ghanem argues that Palestinian citizens remain politically weak because they have not developed a sufficiently consolidated political force within their own society.

Nevertheless, he believes the Joint List could play an important role in determining the next government. Palestinian parties supported Yitzhak Rabin’s government from outside the cabinet in 1993, and a similar arrangement could be possible again.

Removing Netanyahu from power, Ghanem argues, does not necessarily require Palestinian parties to join a governing coalition. What matters is whether they can work with a broader political camp seeking to replace what he describes as a racist government.

Last week, Joint List leader Yousef Jabareen expressed willingness to support the opposition under certain conditions. These include creating a path towards establishing a Palestinian state and tackling organised crime and violence in Palestinian communities inside Israel.

Abu Ras hopes that, despite their public opposition to cooperation with Arab parties during the campaign, opposition leaders will eventually reach some form of understanding with them.

“If Arabs elect 15, 16 or 17 members of the Knesset, everyone will come knocking on their door. They may not want to admit it publicly, but I am certain their position will change after the election,” he said.

Abu Ras has lost 38 members of his family in Israeli attacks in Gaza. He does not expect a Netanyahu-free government to bring immediate peace, but believes it could at least help reduce the violence Palestinians face under the current administration.

“Before ending the occupation, I want to save my people,” he said.

A Choice Between Bad and Worse

Layla believes she may have persuaded her mother to vote this time, driven by fears that another far-right government could further worsen conditions for Palestinians.

“There is a bad situation, and there is an extremely bad situation. We will choose the bad over the extremely bad. Even if we can prevent one death, one demolition order or something similar, that is better than doing nothing,” she said.

Yet her doubts remain. She worries that voting could also help Israel reinforce its image as a democratic state without addressing the inequalities experienced by Palestinian citizens.

For Layla and many others, the election offers neither a clear solution nor an easy choice. It is an attempt to influence a political system they distrust while fearing the consequences of allowing it to continue unchanged.

As she put it, Sometimes it feels as though we have reached a dead end.

Topic : Benjamin Netanyahu Israel Election Palestinian Citizens

Daily Asiagram

Thursday, October 22, 2026


Israeli Palestinian Citizens Torn Between Voting and Boycotting Election

Published Date : October 22, 2026

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As Israel prepares for its upcoming general election on October 27, Palestinian citizens of the country are facing a difficult choice: whether to vote in a political system they believe has failed to protect their rights or stay away from the ballot box.Many fear that another government led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and far-right Jewish politicians could intensify repression against Palestinians. Despite their deep mistrust of the political system, some are preparing to vote, hoping their participation could help remove Netanyahu from power.Palestinian citizens account for around one-fifth of Israel’s population, making their votes potentially decisive in the election. Opinion polls suggest that neither Netanyahu’s right-wing bloc nor the parties opposed to his government are likely to secure the 61 seats needed to form a majority in the 120-member Knesset.In such a scenario, the support of Arab-led parties, including Ra’am and the Joint List, could become crucial. If no bloc secures a majority, another election may be necessary, leaving Netanyahu’s current government in office until a new administration is formed.First-Time Voter Hopes to Speak for PalestiniansLayla Atamneh, a 19-year-old resident of Beit Hanina in East Jerusalem, will vote for the first time in the election.She grew up watching her parents disagree over whether Palestinians should participate in Israeli elections. Her father supported voting for Arab-led political alliances, while her mother consistently refused to vote.According to Layla, her mother believes voting helps portray Israel as a democratic state where Palestinian citizens enjoy equal rights, despite their experiences of discrimination and humiliation and the growing influence of far-right politicians.Layla, however, has decided to cast her ballot. She believes she has a responsibility to represent Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and Gaza, who have no say in choosing Israel’s next government.“I feel that I have to be the voice of these people. One person may not be able to do much. But if my vote gives them even one percent hope, I will vote,” she said.Layla also worries that Palestinian voices, particularly those of young voters, remain largely absent from election debates. As an Arabic speaker, she finds it difficult to follow much of the election coverage conducted in Hebrew.Her dilemma reflects the feelings of many Palestinian citizens who believe the political system does not adequately represent their interests but fear that another Netanyahu government could make their situation even worse.Election Held Amid Growing FearsPolitical scientist As’ad Ghanem of the University of Haifa says the election is taking place amid increasingly repressive policies against Palestinians.The war in Gaza, violence and displacement in the West Bank, and restrictive state policies towards Palestinian citizens inside Israel have heightened concerns about their future.Hanan, a 36-year-old Palestinian Christian woman living in a Druze village in the Galilee region, says these fears have become more immediate.Last month, Israeli settlers living in illegal settlements in the West Bank attempted to establish an outpost near the Palestinian town of Majd al-Krum in the Galilee.The incident was followed by an election campaign video generated using artificial intelligence and released by far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich. The video depicted a Palestinian man in the West Bank calling a relative in the Galilee in a frightened voice, warning that Jews were coming and would do to them what they had done to Palestinians elsewhere.Hanan said such developments have increased her fears that settlers could become more aggressive and attempt to seize additional Palestinian land.Yet she remains determined to vote and wants to encourage others to do the same.“Before every election, I tell myself I will not vote again because Arab representatives seem unable to accomplish much. The lack of women’s representation and the absence of new political voices are also disappointing. But eventually, I go and vote, thinking that perhaps something will change this time,” she said.Attempt to Disqualify Arab Parties Sparks AngerThe controversy surrounding Arab political parties has further deepened Palestinians’ doubts about Israel’s political system.On September 23, Israel’s Central Elections Committee moved to disqualify the Arab-led Ra’am and Joint List from participating in the election. The Joint List is an alliance involving Hadash, Balad and Ta’al. The Supreme Court subsequently overturned the disqualification decision.However, Balad leader Sami Abu Shahadeh withdrew his candidacy after the court indicated that a majority of its judges might support disqualifying him.Many Palestinians viewed the episode as evidence of the political system’s limitations. Others believe the attempt to exclude Arab parties could encourage greater voter mobilisation.“We feel that we are under attack. That is why we will vote in greater numbers,” said Thabet Abu Ras, an expert on Arab-Jewish relations.In the last five Israeli elections, turnout among Palestinian citizens ranged from around 45 to 65 percent. In the 2022 election, it stood at approximately 53 percent.A person involved in Palestinian election campaigning said surveys suggest that around 62 percent of Palestinian citizens could vote this time. Campaigners hope to raise turnout to between 70 and 75 percent.The last time turnout among Palestinian citizens reached approximately 75 percent was in 1999, when their participation helped Ehud Barak defeat Netanyahu and become prime minister.Higher turnout could also affect smaller far-right parties, including Amcha Israel and The Reservists, by making it harder for them to cross Israel’s electoral threshold of 3.25 percent of the vote.Ghanem believes that a widespread boycott of the election is now a relatively marginal position among Palestinians.“We are in real danger. We can also play a role in bringing this government’s term to an end,” he said.Arab Parties Could Hold the Balance of PowerOne of the central questions surrounding the election is whether parties opposed to Netanyahu will cooperate with Arab-led political groups.Opinion polls suggest neither of the two main Zionist political blocs is likely to secure the 61 seats required to form a government independently. This could give Ra’am and the Joint List significant leverage in post-election negotiations.Despite that possibility, prominent opposition leaders have expressed reluctance to form a coalition with Arab parties.Opposition leader Naftali Bennett has said he would not form a government dependent on parties that do not identify as Zionist. Former military chief Gadi Eisenkot, another potential opposition candidate for prime minister, has also signalled that he is unwilling to form a coalition with Arab parties.This leaves Palestinian voters facing a difficult calculation: whether to support parties that best represent their political and national identity or back those most likely to help remove Netanyahu from office.Layla initially considered voting for Ra’am, which has support among the Bedouin population in the Negev, as well as the liberal Zionist Democrats party. She eventually decided to vote for the Joint List because of her political convictions.“There are things I can compromise on, but there are certain morals and values that I cannot abandon so easily. As Palestinians, we have to support Palestinians,” she said.In 2021, Ra’am made history by becoming the first Arab party to join an Israeli governing coalition. The coalition briefly kept Netanyahu out of power.Ra’am argues that participating in government can deliver practical benefits and greater protection for Palestinian citizens. But critics say limited budgetary gains cannot resolve the deeper questions of Palestinian identity and equal rights.Ghanem has accused Ra’am leader Mansour Abbas of making excessive concessions to secure relatively small budget allocations without addressing the fundamental problems facing Palestinians.For many Bedouin citizens, however, everyday concerns remain a priority. They hope political participation can help secure recognition for unrecognised villages, greater investment in education and more employment opportunities.Saving Lives Before Ending the OccupationGhanem argues that Palestinian citizens remain politically weak because they have not developed a sufficiently consolidated political force within their own society.Nevertheless, he believes the Joint List could play an important role in determining the next government. Palestinian parties supported Yitzhak Rabin’s government from outside the cabinet in 1993, and a similar arrangement could be possible again.Removing Netanyahu from power, Ghanem argues, does not necessarily require Palestinian parties to join a governing coalition. What matters is whether they can work with a broader political camp seeking to replace what he describes as a racist government.Last week, Joint List leader Yousef Jabareen expressed willingness to support the opposition under certain conditions. These include creating a path towards establishing a Palestinian state and tackling organised crime and violence in Palestinian communities inside Israel.Abu Ras hopes that, despite their public opposition to cooperation with Arab parties during the campaign, opposition leaders will eventually reach some form of understanding with them.“If Arabs elect 15, 16 or 17 members of the Knesset, everyone will come knocking on their door. They may not want to admit it publicly, but I am certain their position will change after the election,” he said.Abu Ras has lost 38 members of his family in Israeli attacks in Gaza. He does not expect a Netanyahu-free government to bring immediate peace, but believes it could at least help reduce the violence Palestinians face under the current administration.“Before ending the occupation, I want to save my people,” he said.A Choice Between Bad and WorseLayla believes she may have persuaded her mother to vote this time, driven by fears that another far-right government could further worsen conditions for Palestinians.“There is a bad situation, and there is an extremely bad situation. We will choose the bad over the extremely bad. Even if we can prevent one death, one demolition order or something similar, that is better than doing nothing,” she said.Yet her doubts remain. She worries that voting could also help Israel reinforce its image as a democratic state without addressing the inequalities experienced by Palestinian citizens.For Layla and many others, the election offers neither a clear solution nor an easy choice. It is an attempt to influence a political system they distrust while fearing the consequences of allowing it to continue unchanged.As she put it, Sometimes it feels as though we have reached a dead end.

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Israeli Palestinian Citizens Torn Between Voting and Boycotting Election
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